Posted on 02 Mar 2016
Steel and why the time has come to kill off anti-dumping system
In their bids to win
the manufacturing vote, Tony Abbott and Julia Gillard turned assistance
against "dumping" into a form of below-the-radar protectionism that now
threatens significant harm to the Australian economy.
The
Productivity Commission says in a new research report, "serious
consideration should be given to whether it is in Australia's best
interests to retain any anti-dumping system."
It is not in
Australia's interests. The time has come to kill it off. If politicians
want to excuse industries from the pressures of competition, they should
do it openly with subsidies from the budget.
The commission's
report exposes the way that politicians have channelled subsidies to
steel manufacturers in particular at the expense of other Australian
industries and their employees.
"The anti-dumping
system caters for the interests of a narrow segment of Australian
industry and, in recent years, has become increasingly captured by the
industry interests concerned," the commission says.
"…Thus Arrium
recently advised its shareholders that 65 per cent of its sales base
was subject to anti-dumping investigations and that it was examining
whether further applications were appropriate," the commission says.
To
understand what is going on, you have to peel away the deliberately
misleading language that surrounds this system of handouts.
What
the government calls dumping, most Australians call price competition.
When the airlines sell their empty seats at less than full cost or
petrol companies cut prices to clear unsold stocks, we call that healthy
price competition. And when an Australian manufacturer uses its spare
capacity to break into the export market by selling at discount prices,
we hail that as the kind of entrepreneurial initiative that Australia
needs in the Asian Century. We might even congratulate Austrade for all
the work it's done to educate budding exporters on the virtues of
marginal cost pricing. But all of it is "dumping".
The Australian steel
industry's problem is that the world economy has slowed and there is a
global steel glut. Everyone, including China, is taking Austrade's
advice: they are cutting their prices below full cost to clear their
unsold stocks and use their spare capacity.
As the commission
says, in competitive markets businesses are generally expected to
respond to changing market circumstances without reliance on government
protection. But if there is government assistance for the taking, no CEO
can afford to let the opportunity pass.
Anti-dumping protection
is there for the steel industry's taking because governments don't want
the industry to adjust if it means higher unemployment in Whyalla and
Wollongong.
But nor do they want the full cost of subsidising
those steel industry jobs on their budgets. So they push the cost on to
everyone else. Anti-dumping protection forces up the price of imports
and allows Australian producers to increase their prices. That's fine
for the steel makers, but all the industries that use steel face higher
costs and a loss of competitiveness. It also pushes up the price of
consumer goods.
As is usually the case
with protection, the cost to the wider community is greater than the
benefits to the protected industries. Australia is worse off.
So
far the damage to the economy has been relatively small. But, as access
to anti-dumping protection is made easier, the damage will increase. In
Australia the average dumping and countervailing duty is 17 per cent,
more than three times greater than the general tariff rate of 5 per
cent. In the United States, the commission tells us, average duty levels
are now over 40 per cent.
The political pressure is for Australia
to follow the US example. Senator Nick Xenophon, for example, has
complained that Australian anti-dumping protection is behind the "best
practice" of the more protectionist policies of the US and the European
Union.
In 2009, the Productivity Commission saw a continuation of
anti-dumping protection as a "safety valve" in the global recession. But
the safety valve has become a new fountain of protection.
The commission suggests
reform, such as a national interest test to take account of the cost to
other industries. That undoubtedly would impose some discipline on the
process. But not as much as forcing the vote-buying politicians and
their industry clients to live off the scrapings from the budget.